Mr Tony Blair

10 Downing Street

London.

17^th October 2002.

Dear Mr Prime Minister

I wrote and sent a letter to you on the 21^st of September 2002. That letter remains without reply or even acknowledgment. This letter is necessarily long as the issues involved with it are also long. My letter to you of the 4^th of June 2001 detailing some of the judicial and other crime of which I have been subject has not been acted upon either.

This letter again concerns crime that has been used against me at the Durham County Court under case numbers DH400950, DH400898 and NE401650. Judges and others were involved and participated in that crime. Some of the evidence of my allegations was provided to Mr Fraser Kemp MP. I gather from Mr Kemp MP that he copied that evidence to The Lord Chancellor, The Home Secretary, The Parliamentary Commissioner and The Attorney General. In their letters to Mr Kemp MP, all these authorities have denied any responsibility to act on that crime. While this clearly has also become a constitutional issue and I have asked Mr Kemp to raise these matters in the House of Commons, he has written to me that he is not permitted to raise issues in the House. I have asked in my correspondence with him where the rule book can be found which states that he is mot permitted to raise the issues which have come to light following the judicial and other crime that has been used against me. Like the many questions that I have put in my letters to him Mr Kemp MP has failed to reply to them. This too in the circumstances has also become a constitutional issue.

With no UK authorities taking responsibility to act on the matter of judicial crime, there can be no doubt left that the judiciary are a law to themselves. This present situation is utterly against the democratic principles of any country. It is also a dangerous situation not only for those subject of it but for those who are responsible for it.

One of your pre-election promises was for a fairer Britain. Like a number of your promises it has never become a reality. During your term of office the right to trial by jury has been eroded. Britain has overtaken the previous leader, Turkey, for the abuse of human rights. There are increasing deaths of those held in police custody. There is also clearly a shoot to kill policy by police marksmen. A marksman can shoot to disable but this rarely if ever happens. There are more cameras trained on the British public than anywhere else in Europe. Electronic eavesdropping is also claimed by others to be substantial in the present day UK assisted by North American technology based in this country.

As an example of the fairer Britain that you promised, recorder John H Fryer-Spedding, who went into retirement when I reported some of his acts to the former Lord Chancellor Mackay, said in the above civil court actions that it was his intention to deprive me of my rights. His statement regarding that is confirmed by his own approved transcript of judgement. A copy of recorder John H Fryer-Spedding's approved transcript of judgement containing the latter statement was included in my application for leave to appeal the recorders judgement that was heard before Lord Justices Auld and Pill. They ruled against my application. They clearly accept in the circumstances of recorder John H Fryer-Spedding's approved transcript of judgement that a judge can deprive a person of their rights. Like the other issues mentioned above , It is also a very serious constitutional issue. Any judge, but I name in my cases, recorder John H Fryer-Spedding, who sets out to deprive a person of their rights has automatically shown that he is not impartial to the proceedings before him and was unfit therefore to be a judge This is of course a requirement of British or indeed any justice system. That same judge has also breached his judicial oath of fairness to all, which is sworn to her Majesty the Queen.

In my recent letter to her Majesty I asked if she would bear any responsibility to act when the judicial oath sworn to her is breached by judges and Magistrates. I never received a reply from Buckingham Palace. Instead the reply to my letter to the Queen asking that question came from The Lord Chancellors Department. The reply pointed me to the judicial appeal system. There are two matters here which require your attention. One is that a breach of the judicial oath of fairness is an act of crime coming as it does under the category high treason. Such a crime is still valid though never spoken about. To breach any oath made to the Monarchy is an act of high treason. Secondly, a judge who breaches the judicial oath cannot be tried by fellow members of his profession. Such a trial could not reasonably be considered as being independent and impartial as the law requires of it. Justice for all parties requires that such judges and indeed magistrates who breach their judicial oath of fairness must be tried before an independent and impartial tribunal or authority established by law as required under the European Human Rights Convention. It is clear that we have no such authorities or tribunals which is a breach of the rights of all UK citizens.

Part of the catalogue of crime that has been used against me is verified by the recorders approved transcript of judgement. There is substantially more evidence available to show it. The Newcastle County Court who have also been involved went so far as to refuse me access to the recordings of the proceedings heard before recorder J H Fryer-Spedding which would have allowed me to make a transcript of them which would have allowed me to show more evidence of the crime used against me. Northumbria Police have failed in their paid public duty to act on some of the evidence of crime that I have provided to them. They had tried passing off their responsibility to act to Durham Constabulary. Instead of acting on the crime that I have reported along with evidence of it to them, they have carried out acts which I suggest were clearly designed to try to stop me publicising both facts and evidence of that crime. An attempt at blackmail was also used against me in an attempt to have me remove material from an Internet web site publicising facts and evidence of the crime of which I refer. Officers of Northumbria Police have in fact used deception and other unlawful acts against me in the process. I have been unlawfully arrested and detained by them. Following indisputable evidence of the latter, the Police Complaints Authority have agreed that I was unlawfully arrested and detained by Northumbria Police. At that time my life was placed in danger by health conditions from which I suffer. Eventually when I was in a collapsed state, I was dumped outside of the Sunderland Royal Hospital Casualty Wing by Northumbria police officers where it was confirmed that I was seriously ill. I had also been denied the right to allow someone of my choice to be informed of where I was being detained. I had been denied access to a doctor. I had also been denied access to a solicitor. This is only a small part of the breach of our rights and the fairer Britain that you had promised the people of this country.

Inspector Gibson of Durham Constabulary told me last year that Durham Constabulary would not act on the crime used against me at the Durham County Court. At first they alleged that they had investigated my allegations of Durham County Court crime, but later refused outright to do so. Inspector Gibson told me that when a judge lies it is a judicial decision and is therefore protected. That of course has to be absolutely untrue? If it is accepted as being true then it will of course only help confirm the present apparent situation where the criminal conduct of judges is answerable to no one.

While circumstances show that corrupt judges are being protected, I will never accept this situation as being for and in the general public interest let alone my own. Like the other matters that I have reported to you this becomes a further serious constitutional issue.

Any abuse of power automatically becomes the crime of misconduct in public office under the ruling of Regina -v- Dytham and other cases. During my meeting several months ago with a UK law researcher, he confirmed that when those whose public responsibility it is to act on crime fail to do it, they are regarded as being part of the original crime as if they had committed it themselves. Misconduct in public office carries with it a prison sentence of up to seven years. It is therefore an arrestable offence. A lawful arrest in these circumstances of those responsible for it, provided no more force is used during it than is necessary, can also be carried out by a member of the public. There are no exceptions to the law. On the weight of evidence however, such people accused of crime under this category could only be justly tried by an independent and impartial tribunal or authority established by law as required under the European Human Rights Convention. Despite my questions to Mr Fraser Kemp MP and in my previous letter to you of the 21^st of September as to where I could access such independent and impartial tribunal or authority, that is one of the questions that remains unanswered by either Mr Fraser Kemp MP or your office. I know of no such authorities or tribunals in the UK. This is clearly a gross breach of the European Human Rights Convention of which all UK citizens are subject.

An abuse of power is also confirmed in the English dictionary as an act of tyranny. This is the present situation existing in the present day UK where facts in my cases alone show that judges and the blatant corruption in which they are involved, are accountable to no one. This fact is also borne out by Inspector Gibson of Durham Constabulary in his statement to me copied above. I am not the only victim of it. This fact has also come to light from my contact with other victims of the UK judiciary.

You are currently spending a lot of time on the issue of terrorism. I too will never condone it. I do however look to the possible causes of it first. I believe that you should have turned also to the issue of what amounts to judicial terrorism active in this country before becoming so deeply involved in matters abroad? This clearly exists from facts available in my cases alone. I am aware that there are many such cases. The abuse of power in the UK is made all the worse when correspondence with Mr Fraser Kemp MP has shown that there is no UK authorities, including the police, who will carry out their public duty to act on it.

As you know your friend, Mr Derry Irvine, The Lord Chancellor, heads the British judiciary. His department allege that the judiciary are independent of government. Lord Chancellor Irvine, again as you will know, is an unelected member of our government. How can it be claimed that our judiciary are independent of government when the man who heads it is part of our government? Do you too agree that the Lord Chancellor has no responsibility to act on the matter of judicial crime? Who in the UK has any responsibility to act on the matter of judicial crime when the police obviously wont?

I take this opportunity to write that I am also sickened by the failure of the UK and North American governments to address the problem of clear Israeli aggression that is being used against the Palestinian people. Both the UK and the North American governments could bring pressure to bear on Israel to help stop their abuse of the Palestinian people. I believe that in turn that would stop or at least help to stop counter terrorism resulting from it. As you know, the Palestinians have lived in refugee camps since 1948 after they were displaced by the Jews on the creation of Israel. The often deplorable conditions under which they have lived since then has been ignored by both UK and North American governments. It has and remains a cause of concern and unrest for many Arab countries. I am angered when I see the meagre homes of innocent Palestinians destroyed by the Israeli army who are in fact the intruders into Palestine. Some say that they are the intruders into the middle east after their two thousand years or so absence from that area. I have no argument to put forward for or against that claim. The North American government as you too will know donates billions of dollars each year for the upkeep of the Israeli armed forces who are carrying out these acts. That must also cause considerable unrest and concern in middle eastern countries. I am further sickened when I like others am aware that even young Palestinian people, with most of their lives before them, have turned themselves into human bombs because it seems that they have no other effective means to fight back against what is without doubt Israeli aggression. Address the problem of injustice and breaches of human rights of the Palestinian people and I believe that we will be on the way to a better world relatively free from the threat of terrorism. This seems common sense to me. Common sense however seems to be lacking in the corridors of some modern day powers. Perhaps however, other motives are involved in this unfairness? Terrorists don’t just happen Mr Blair, they are caused. Address the possible causes and reasons for terrorism first and then the rest will probably help take care of itself. It is also your job first and foremost as Prime Minister to address the breaches of human rights in this country and the possible consequences stemming from it which is also a reality. Your promise of a fairer Britain alone demands this.

While it is almost a month since I wrote my previous letter to you detailing some of the facts contained in this letter, as I have previously written, that letter remains without even an acknowledgment from your office. I do expect both an acknowledgment of receipt along with answers to the questions and issues that I have raised with you in this letter as a matter of urgency.

Yours sincerely

Mr Maurice Kellett

16A The Lyons

Hetton-le-Hole

Tyne-Wear DH5 0HT.